By Laura Shin

East Side politics changed forever when Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney defeated 15-year incumbent, Republican S. William Green, in 1992 in her first race for Congress. But Maloney didn’t do it alone. John F. Wade, her campaign manager and former chief of staff, successfully strategized her underdog campaign.

“John Wade was an inspirational and loving friend and colleague whose political genius and personal courage truly changed my life,” Maloney said in a statement.

In 2002, Wade helped Assemblyman Jonathan Bing to defeat a Republican in the 73rd Assembly District. From Maloney’s upset win to Bing’s victory, an area that was once predominantly Republican became one that was represented entirely by Democrats, and Wade is credited by many as the man behind the historic shift.

John F. Wade, former campaign manager for Carolyn Maloney, died Jan. 8. He was instrumental in local politics.

Wade died surrounded by family Jan. 8 at his home in Biddeford, Maine, after a long fight with bladder cancer. He was 56.

“His innate intelligence, irreverent wit and superb organizational skills made him a unique and uniquely qualified individual, and we shall not see his like again,” Maloney said.

Wade was born April 12, 1954, in Dublin, Ireland, and came to America with his family in October 1958. After growing up in Manhattan and northern New Jersey, he graduated from Tusculum College in Greeneville, Tenn. in 1976, and undertook graduate studies at Southern Illinois University in 1978.

He worked on the staff of Congressman John B. Anderson in Illinois in 1979, and as a senior staffer on Anderson’s unsuccessful 1980 Independent presidential campaign. Wade then returned to New York City and joined the staff of then Councilwoman Maloney.

In 1987, Wade went on to work for Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer, as his director of education.

“He was an intense and extroverted guy. He was smart, unbelievably loyal and just a talented guy,” Ferrer said. “He was surprised when I offered him the education portfolio. But I believed a guy as smart as he would do a great job, and he did.”

Wade was also an LGBT activist throughout his career and during his time working for Ferrer, whose office organized the first gay pride parade in the Bronx.

“Representing me in the lesbian and gay community in the Bronx at that time wasn’t easy, but John was very instrumental,” Ferrer said.

In 1992, Wade returned to work with Maloney, working on her campaign before becoming her first chief of staff from 1993 to 1995. He then continued to work for LGBT causes and became a consultant for major political candidates in New York and Maine.

“He touched the lives of many of us involved in East Side politics, and not just Democrats,” said Assemblyman Bing. “His knowledge, his work ethic and his spirit are things that crossed party lines.”

Wade worked on Bing’s 2002 campaign as his field director.

“There were some very difficult moments during my first campaign, and John’s spirit, drive and vivacious personality got me going and got my staff going during those difficult times,” Bing said.

In addition to Bing’s campaign, Wade played a critical role in the successful campaigns of several other Manhattan figures, including Assemblyman Micah Kellner and Civil Court Judges Andrea Masley and Lori Sattler.

“John was the first to call me and let me know that I had won, and I couldn’t think of a better friend to call me,” Kellner said, recalling his 2007 win. “I will never forget that.

“If you didn’t recognize his genius, he just seemed crazy, but there was always a method to his madness,” Kellner added. “John was a great teacher. He always wanted to look on the bright side of things, tell you to buck up and keep a smile on your face.”

Wade is survived by his mother, Rosaleen Wade, his sister, Ann Marie Knoepfel, his brother, Richard Wade, four nieces and one nephew.

The date and time of a memorial service in New York City will be announced in the coming weeks.

By Alan S. Chartock

Andrew Cuomo gave the speech of his life at his inauguration. He was gracious but stern; humorous but determined; warm and sincere yet somehow dark. He offered his hand to the Legislature and to the people, and you had the feeling you’d better take that hand lest there be trouble ahead.

Andrew, as he is known to those in the game, put out a call to the people of New York State, a siren-type song that said, “I am offering you hope through sacrifice. If you follow me, you can have more efficient government, you can have more accessible government, you can have less corrupt government. Your complacency has caused this mess; your lack of interest has put you where you are. Come with me, help me, lean on your legislators and fight the good fight with me and we’ll have less government, smarter government, more transparent government, more accessible government.” Not his exact words, of course, but this is what he meant.

I never thought that Andrew could reach the rhetorical standards set by his father, but as a lifelong Mario Cuomo watcher, I can say that Andrew’s speech soared to a place I frankly thought he could never go. He set a standard for himself and for the people of New York that will be hard to live up to. He promised new politics and a new, ethical government. In conducting his speech outside the Legislature, he seemed to be suggesting that the legislative arena—bought and paid for with lobbyist money in the form of campaign contributions and old boy politics—was the old stadium and a new one was being built. Mario was standing behind him. When Andrew hugged him and then, as an afterthought, kissed him, the old man lovingly and symbolically waved him off as if to say, “You’re on your own now.”

Much of what Andrew said in his speech rang true. Of course, there were some rhetorical flourishes; his reference to his father as the best governor and lieutenant governor New York had ever seen was loving, but wrong. New York is the state of both Roosevelts and Al Smith, to name just a few.

Andrew has been blessed with something that Papa Cuomo never had—the opportunity to really make some changes. The wheel is broken, the spokes are damaged and you can’t be great without the opportunity to make things better. He does have that 10 billion dollar problem. In a way, that deficit is a gift from the gods of politics. He has to do something. He has no choice. Everyone on the field knows it. The unions, the members of the Legislature, they all get it. The unions are a shell of their once mighty selves. They can say the right things but in the end, they know that the hands they have drawn won’t win the pot this time.

Andrew has borrowed the best and brightest people from his father’s administration, from Spitzer’s administration and even from Paterson’s administration. He has made a pact with Rupert Murdoch and some of his most feared henchmen. He is determined not to be caught up in the personal politics that have destroyed so many others on their way to grab the golden ring.

In one of the most brilliant strokes of all, Cuomo issued an executive order taking down the barricades that surround the State Capitol. He has opened up the people’s building to the people. Not since Andrew Jackson has such an invitation been offered to the citizenry. Let’s not forget that it was George Pataki, the man who beat his father, who installed those cement blocks around the Capitol, not unlike the kings of old who built moats around the castle to keep people out. Said Andrew, “Come on in, citizens.” To the press he said, “You can come back up to the second floor like you did when my pop was here.”

So the stage is set. The young governor gave a brilliant speech. His father said that it couldn’t have been better and he was right. The old Cuomo was a great speechmaker and a great philosopher but he didn’t have opportunity and he couldn’t make it work. Andrew has the potential. Now everyone is waiting to see the follow through. If he governs as well as he speaks, we may well see him in the White House. If he doesn’t, he’ll be just another mouth. We can all wish him well.
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Alan S. Chartock is president and CEO of WAMC/Northeast Public Radio and an executive publisher at The Legislative Gazette.

By Josh Rogers

The drawn-out fight to pass the Zadroga 9/11 health bill was made even longer by the Obama administration’s indifference, but the legislation got crucial, unexpected G.O.P. help, Democratic Congressman Jerrold Nadler said Monday.

“We didn’t have the support of the administration,” Nadler said in a phone interview. “We never got it until it was late.”

Reps Carolyn Maloney and Jerrold Nadler were instrumental in shepherding through the Zadroga 9/11 Health Bill. Photo by Andrew Schwartz

Nadler, whose district includes the World Trade Center site in addition to the Upper West Side, said President Obama’s lack of effort earlier on was one of many reasons it took so long to pass. The law provides longer term health care for first responders, workers and residents who are suffering with cancer, respiratory problems or other ailments that were likely caused by the environmental fallout from the Twin Towers’ collapse.

The $7.1 billion bill took “thousands and thousands and thousands of hours of negotiations” over many years, added Nadler, a chief sponsor of the bill. Just over $4 billion will go to health care and $2.8 billion will be used to reopen the 9/11 Victim Compensation Fund.

Nadler said House Republican leaders “did one decent thing” last September, passing on a surefire way to kill the bill when it came to the floor. Had Republicans introduced an amendment to deny coverage to illegal immigrants at that point, it would have been a fatal blow, Nadler said. Depending on the outcome of the amendment vote, it would have lost too many Democratic votes either from the Hispanic and Black caucuses or from conservative Blue Dog members. Republican Congressman Peter King and Mayor Mike Bloomberg both deserve credit for convincing House Republicans from introducing this “poison pill” amendment, Nadler said.

He said it would have been “immoral” to deny health care to any rescuer. “No one asked him his immigration status when he went in to help,” Nadler said.

His postpartum analysis of the law’s birth in no way means he is softening to Republicans. He remains one of the most liberal members of the House, and emphasized that the bill passed with overwhelming Democratic support and barely enough Republican help to become law. Although the Obama administration provided little support, it also did not oppose the bill like the Bush administration, Nadler added.

When Obama took office in 2009, the New York delegation and 9/11 advocates had reason to expect more support from the administration. A few weeks before the election, a campaign spokesperson first announced Obama’s support for the bill in an email to this reporter.

But the president was largely silent until recently about the bill’s merits, and a year ago, the bill’s prospects were thrown further into doubt when Kathleen Sebelius, Obama’s health secretary, spoke against the measure. Obama signed the bill Sunday in Hawaii and the White House released only a brief statement of support.

East Side Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, who, like Nadler, was a bill sponsor, did not join her ally in criticizing the president. She did not address the president’s earlier silence and said she was “grateful” for his support.

“It was Bush who said he would do whatever it takes to help New York recover, but it was President Obama who got the job done,” Maloney said.

Both Maloney and Nadler said they recalled beating back many efforts to limit the bill only to first responders and cut 9/11 survivors out.

The bill’s highest drama moment in front of the cameras came last summer, when two of the strongest supporters, Congressmen Anthony Weiner and King, shouted on the House floor, arguing over which party was more to blame for a failed vote.

But there were many other moments of high drama behind the scenes. Nadler said when Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand thanked him and Maloney at a press conference celebrating the Senate’s passage, the two House members were not standing behind her because they were huddled up with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in her office. The House still needed to get the parchment version of the adjusted Senate bill and Pelosi was worried that too many House members would be gone for Christmas by the time it arrived.

Nadler said he cheered only one “No” vote. That was the 218th cast in the House, and it meant that there were enough votes to send the bill to the president.

[H]e got behind the counter and pulled on a white T-shirt with a picture of a gondolier to make a point: in the three-and-a-half years since the most recent groundbreaking, one-fifth of the businesses along the construction for the line that will eventually run through his Upper East Side district have been forced to close, and he wants the state to do something about it.

On Sept. 11, 2001, when thousands of innocent men and women lost their lives, tens of thousands more came to their assistance. We as a nation saw greater acts of heroism than we could have imagined: First-responders from all over New York and all over the country came to Ground Zero to save innocent lives, provide proper burial for lives that were lost and assist in the enormous effort to clean up and recover from that devastating attack on our nation.

Tragically, in the nine years since the attack, more than 30,000 responders and survivors from across the country have had to receive medical treatment due to their exposure to Ground Zero toxins and are waiting for Congress to pass legislation to ensure that they can continue to get the care they need. Approximately 16,600 individuals from Manhattan are enrolled in the WTC Health Registry.

Our 9/11 heroes didn’t think twice that day. Bound by duty, a love of our nation and their fellow Americans, they joined hand-in-hand with heroes from every corner of America to come to our rescue.

Now, it’s long past time we came to theirs. Nine years ago, no one could have imagined that our nation would ignore our duty to the 9/11 heroes. Nine years ago, no one could have imagined that our country would leave these heroes behind.

But over all these years, the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act, the bill that can bring care to those who’ve fallen ill, has been tied up by politics as usual in Congress.

This should not be a partisan fight. We have an undeniable, moral obligation to provide our 9/11 heroes with all the care they need.

In September, the bill passed the U.S. House of Representatives. It’s time to keep our promise to them, and pass this bill in the U.S. Senate during the lame duck session of Congress. We can’t afford to wait any longer. We’ve already lost too many of our heroes and loved ones to the toxins of Ground Zero. And we’re losing more each day.

I’m urging my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to do what they know is right, and support this legislation.

The men and women who lived through and came to our rescue on 9/11 were not Democrats or Republicans or Independents. They were Americans first and foremost, and so were the people they saved. It’s time for us in Congress to honor their sacrifices by coming together as Americans, and keeping our promise to provide them with the care they need to save their lives.
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Kirsten Gillibrand, a Democrat, is a U.S. senator representing New York.

With the amount of dissatisfaction and disappointment that many have expressed toward New York State government, it’s clear we need a governor who has a strong vision for the office and who can take control of a Legislature that has caused embarrassment on a national level. The choice for voters is between Attorney General Andrew Cuomo, a Democrat, and the Republication businessman from Buffalo, Carl Paladino. We wholeheartedly endorse Cuomo for governor.

Paladino has little to offer and has run a campaign filled with bigotry and bluster. While we recognize the strain of populism that has appealed to those disgruntled with government and the way politicians have been behaving, we do not want our state governed by anyone who has so little respect for his fellow citizens.

But this is not simply a Cuomo-by-default decision. As attorney general, Cuomo has a strong record as the state’s chief lawyer, investigating the pay-to-play scandal that led former Comptroller Alan Hevesi to plead guilty.

His blueprint for ethics reform includes a section that would legislate that lawmakers would have to disclose their earnings from outside jobs, something we think should also happen.

We do, however, hope that Andrew Cuomo stops playing it safe when it comes to his stated principles, coming out strong in favor of marriage equality and other progressive legislation. Getting any of his reforms passed with an obstinate Legislature will not be easy. But we feel Cuomo can make good on his promises to restore trust and create transparency in government.

Attorney General: Eric Schneiderman

The next New York attorney general has big shoes to fill. Eliot Spitzer and Andrew Cuomo were both crusaders who were able to balance complex issues of national importance as well as move the reform ball forward. That’s why we endorse Eric Schneiderman, a state senator from the Upper West Side, as our next attorney general.

Schneiderman has been one of the few bright stars at the state level. He’s a smart, effective, reform-minded legislator who has stood up to his party when required, as well as crafted important legislation that promotes equal justice under law, such as ending the draconian Rockefeller drug laws.

Cleaning up Albany has become something of the mantra of this election. But Schneiderman has actually done it by convening a bipartisan panel to expel fellow Democrat Hiram Monserrate after he was convicted of assault against his girlfriend.

We are confident that his background and experience plus core philosophy of equal justice will ensure that the interests of all New Yorkers are heard. He has a broad agenda that protects consumers, prevents the pollution of the environment and fights discrimination.

Schneiderman’s opponent, Staten Island District Attorney Dan Donovan, has a record that he can be proud of. Donovan has a competent, nuts-and-bolts plan for the attorney general position. What he doesn’t have is the sweeping vision needed to implement the changes as well as the reform-minded vision of Eric Schneiderman.

Comptroller: Harry Wilson

Officially, the state comptroller is responsible for the nearly $130 billion pension fund, auditing agencies and releasing economic reports. But former State Comptroller Alan Hevesi’s recent guilty plea in a pay-to-play scandal put a spotlight on the sleepy, unglamorous office. Now, New Yorkers need a state comptroller that is pragmatic, vigorous and innovative. We endorse Republican Harry Wilson for state comptroller.

The current comptroller, Democrat Tom DiNapoli, has been an able office holder since appointed in 2007.

But Wilson, the Republican candidate, is a Harvard-educated investor with an extensive and unique background in the public and private sectors.

His resumé includes Goldman Sachs, Blackstone Capital and, most, recently Silver Point Capital. He was the only Republican on President Barack Obama’s auto-industry task force, where he led the successful restructuring of General Motors.

Wilson has the investment and managerial background needed to make the comptroller’s job integral to fixing New York’s economy. He is a moderate Republican who has a proven record of bipartisanship and pragmatism.

After Hevesi’s resignation, the State Legislature tapped DiNapoli, an Assembly member from Long Island, to become the new comptroller. While DiNapoli had no prior investment experience. He protected the pension fund and instituted important ethics reforms in the office, from banning pay-to-play practices and placement agents from the investment fund.

But Wilson has the vision, skills and temperament to be an excellent comptroller. Though he is a Republican, this is one of the few races where Upper East Side voters can cast a ballot for the GOP without voting for a conservative ideologue.

Legislators:

The Upper East Side has quality, progressive legislators in Congress and in Albany that deserve to be re-elected.

Like in the Democratic primary, we endorse Rep. Carolyn Maloney to continue her exemplary legislative work in Washington. She already amassed an impressive record in Congress, most notably, having her Credit Card Bill of Rights signed into law. Maloney helped get the  federal funding that will make the Second Avenue Subway a realty.

Her Republican opponent, Ryan Brumberg, has run a spirited race based on ideas rather than talking points. Though we do not agree with him on many fiscal issues, Brumberg offers the East Side a choice for fiscally conservative voters.

Each of the East Side state legislators should be re-elected as well.

Albany, as messy and dysfunctional as it is, needs a state senator like Liz Krueger. She is an independent reformer whose legislative work directly benefits East Siders, such as authoring a law to crack down on illegal hotels.

Saul Farber, the GOP candidate for State Senate, deserves recognition for running a spirited race. He has diagnosed problems with Albany and the East Side. But he is often in agreement with Krueger on many issues.

The two East Side Assembly members Jonathan Bing and Micah Kellner deserve re-election as well.

Kellner is a fervent progressive that maintains a robust constituent operation. He is a needed voice of reform in the Assembly.

Bing is a smart legislator who was integral is making New York the final state to have no-fault divorce. He is a leader in pro-tenant housing legislation. Bing also has his constituents in mind. He fought for cameras to catch cars driving in bus-only lanes on First and Second avenues. This will help keep these lanes clear so that Select Bus Service can operate efficiently.

Bing’s Republican challenger Paul Niehaus is a qualified candidate. He lawyer that understand the needs of small and medium-sized businesses. As a Republican, his voice would add some needed diversity to the Assembly and the East Side. We hope Niehaus stays involved in local politics.

Still, Bing is has earned the vote of East Siders with tireless work in the district and in Albany.

Ballot Measures:

Earlier this year, Mayor Michael Bloomberg called a commission to study and recommend changes to the city charter. This Nov. 2, voters in New York City must approve the changes at the ballot.

The questions are printed on the back of the ballot, on the other side of the candidate list. If approved, the changes would bring back two-term limits for city officials and make running for office easier. Voters should vote “yes” on these two questions.

The first question would limit the next mayor, public advocate, comptroller, borough presidents and Council members to two, consecutive four-year terms. Voters established these limits through two ballot initiatives in the 1990s. But when Bloomberg wanted to run for a third term last year, the Council passed a law that overturned the two referendums.

Bringing the term limits law back to two terms would respect the voters that chose two terms for local elected officials. Most importantly, the new law would also block the City Council from again changing the term limit law through legislation.

The second question contains seven parts that, in part, will help more candidates get on the ballot. Voters should say “yes” to the question, which would approve all seven changes to the charter. These changes would lower the onerous ballot laws that inhibit competitive elections and insurgent candidates running for office.

Everybody’s candidate for state office on the ballot this November is mad at Albany, even those currently serving in the capital.

Liz Krueger, elected to the State Senate in 2002, and her Republican opponent Saul Farber largely agreed on the dysfunction that has plagued state government. But the two each explained why they should be elected to change Albany’s ways.

Krueger knows there is voter antipathy at the Legislature. But she ticked off her and the Democratic majority’s legislative accomplishments to reform government and help constituents.

She reminded the audience—slightly more than two dozen—at Lenox Hill Neighborhood House of the Democrats’ major legislation they passed, including the expanded bottle recycling bill, ending no-fault divorce, public authorities reform, pension reform and the domestic workers bill of rights.

When the moderator asked about improving the climate in Albany, Krueger mentioned her efforts to purge her Democratic colleague Hiram Monserrate and helping to oust Pedro Espada in the September primary.

“My commitment to ensure that we have a better Senate is to get rid of bad apples,” Krueger said. “We will continue to support good people and good ideas and weed out the bad people.”

Farber laid out his agenda for if he is elected to this East Side Senate seat, which has a nearly three-to-one Democratic enrollment edge. He promised to propose an independent audit of the MTA and start a small business assistance program and use stimulus money to help businesses hurt by the Second Avenue Subway construction.

Farber also tried to lay the state’s partisanship and fiscal problems at Krueger and her Democratic colleague’s feet.

“We need a legislator who understands that government services is more than smiling at press conferences or presenting checks to not-for-profits,” Farber said. “We need a fresh new face with a vision and commitment to work in the best interest of the people.”

Krueger countered that Republicans now co-sponsor Democratic bills and vice versa. She referred to the global economic meltdown and mentioned that her colleagues replaced economic programs with “smaller, targeted” programs.

“We are in economic trouble,” Krueger said. “We got rid of most economic development programs that had been in place for two decades in New York because they weren’t working.”

On transportation, Krueger touted the public authority reform law that affects the MTA and the new Select Bus Service that recently launched.

Farber, however, blamed the fare hikes on a state budget that cuts funding to the MTA.

“What’s inappropriate and disingenuous is when state legislators go to Albany and vote, in this case like the senator did, against funding the MTA but they come back to the district and say, ‘It’s appalling and shameful that they’re cutting services,’” Farber said, recounting a Daily News editorial.

The two candidates were asked about their support of Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s pilot program to prevent people from buying soda and sugary drinks with food stamps.

Krueger supported the proposal because of the adverse health affects of sugar and corn syrup.

“Soda is unbelievably expensive and isn’t a food,” Krueger said. “People will be able to buy soda, but they will have to think about whether that dollar—or two or three dollars that they don’t have a lot [of] in their pocketbook—is really going to go to soda or to other nutritional food products.”

Farber, however, believes that using food stamps for soda is “none of my business.”

Mayor Michael Bloomberg is sticking with his representative in the State Senate, Liz Krueger. The Upper East Side Democrat earned Bloomberg’s praise for being an “independent, principled and smart legislator.”

State Sen. Liz Krueger

The two recently collaborated on a law Krueger authored that allows the city to crack down on illegal hotels and hostels.

But they also have been on the opposing side of legislation, such as charter schools. Bloomberg supports them wholeheartedly while Krueger demanded changes to charter school’s operations.

In his endorsement statement, Bloomberg said Krueger has a willingness to “put principle above politics.”

“Of course, we don’t always agree, either,” Bloomberg said in his statement. “But I know, first-hand, how hard she works to understand the issues we face as a city.”

Krueger is facing Republican Saul Farber in the Nov. 2 election.

The hour-long debate between Rep. Carolyn Maloney and Reshma Saujani matched that of the campaign so far: bitter and ugly, with many accusations.

In discussing policy, their backgrounds and vision for the next two years, there were accusations of lying, ethics violations and being in special interests’ pockets.

Daily News columnist Errol Louis moderated the debate on his radio show.

Maloney, elected to the House in 1992, focused on her legislative achievements and constituent work. She cited legislation she sponsored and supported that is improving the economy.

Saujani, meanwhile, criticized the incumbent early and often. She accused Maloney of weakening regulation to appease donors, taking all of the credit for major projects and legislation she touts, and, perhaps most boldly, that “Carolyn Maloney just lied” when she said that her campaign staff organized fundraisers that coincided with her work on financial reform.

The issue was scuttled immediately after that comment when Louis realized the candidates skipped opening remarks.

Maloney rebutted Saujani’s criticism over fundraising. She repeated that her campaign staff organizes fundraisers and, as for taking money from companies’ Political Action Committees (known as a PACs), said that Saujani gets money from finance industry employees that create them and finance them.

“It’s the same thing,” Maloney said.

Maloney touted the federal funding she got for constructing the Second Avenue Subway, a project she highlights as a jobs generator in the district. Maloney then said she would fight to get funding in her district from the Obama administration’s new fund for infrastructure improvements.

“My record speaks for itself. I have stood for reform, I have stood for accountability, I have stood against special interests,” Maloney said. “I have passed meaningful legislation that has helped the district that I represent. The two largest construction projects employing the most people in the country are in Queens… and the Second Avenue Subway.”

Saujani said Maloney was “disingenuous” for taking all the credit in getting funding for the Second Avenue Subway.

“That was the work of a lot of members of [the] New York delegation including Sen. Schumer,” Saujani said. “Twenty of 70 businesses along 91st Street to 97th Street have shut down. What have you really done to help those businesses?”

Maloney emphasized her commitment to small business with the rest of the city’s Congressional delegation by passing legislation that gives tax credits to small businesses.

Maloney focused on her recent work passing the “very strong, comprehensive” financial reform bill, a law that has an “innovation fund,” and passing the stimulus package with money for renewable energy.

“I have been committed to working with small businesses, the major engine of our economy, to help create opportunities to grow jobs for the citizens I’m honored to represent,” Maloney said.

Maloney praised the Obama administration and the Democratic congress for stopping the job loss under President George W. Bush and for pushing the economy “in the right direction.”

“Is it success? No. But in the last seven months private sector jobs have grown, which is the true indicator of moving in the right direction,” Maloney said. “Respectfully, my opponent sounds like the Republicans in Congress and the rhetoric they are throwing at the Democratic majority.”

Saujani boosted her background in the finance sector while simultaneously belittling Maloney’s understanding of the finance industry.

“If I were to ask Carolyn Maloney right now what a basis point is, she probably doesn’t know,” Saujani said, later adding, “We need to have people who are in Congress, who are in Washington, who understand what a complicated financial instrument is, who understands what a derivative is, who understands what a basis point is.”

For closing remarks, Maloney talked about getting ideas in Congress from constituents, such as helping to create five new schools in the district, securing federal money to build six senior houses and her credit card consumer reforms.

“I find it a great honor and a privilege to represent the 14th Congressional district,” Maloney said. “I believe public service is the best job in the world if it’s done honestly, fairly.”

Saujani used her opportunity to call Maloney a “member of Congress emeritus.”

“She thinks that longevity alone is a reason to re-elect her,” Saujani said. “Idea after idea after idea, we have demonstrated that longevity alone is not enough. We need new blood and fresh ideas.”

Reporters tried to get post debate remarks, but Maloney was whisked to an elevator, where journalists crammed in to get a comment. She said little and, when asked if she thought Saujani’s remarks were fair, she said, “I believe in free speech.”

14th Congressional District: Carolyn Maloney

East Side and Queens voters have the rare opportunity this Sept. 14 to vote in a Democratic primary for their Congressional representative. Rep. Carolyn Maloney, elected to the House in 1992, is facing a challenge from Reshma Saujani, a former hedge fund attorney and first-time candidate. Despite the bitter tone of the campaigns, new ideas have been debated and issues and concerns of the district’s voters were heard and discussed.

In the Democratic primary, we believe Maloney should continue serving in the House for another term. In Congress, she has been an able legislator, authoring important bills that actually have become law. In a body of 435 members, this makes her legislative achievements additionally impressive.

Her bills have stopped the worst practices against consumers from credit card companies and provided funding to process DNA evidence from backlogged rape kits. Maloney is also a player in crafting major legislation, having a seat on the committee that hashed out the details of the final Wall Street reform bill.

As a senior member of the House, she managed to get the federal government to fund the construction of the Second Avenue Subway, a crucial infrastructure project for the East Side in particular and for the city as a whole. Her constituent service has been an important part of preserving the East Side’s quality of life. Despite her long tenure in Washington, D.C., she still helped preserve a post office on the Upper East Side that was in danger of closing.

In her own respect, Saujani is a highly qualified candidate whose campaign for Congress was sorely needed. She introduced new ideas and a new direction for the district. Saujani’s background in finance would make her an able and creative legislator. But these reasons are insufficient for dumping Maloney this year.

We hope that Saujani continues to be a presence in New York City politics and runs for office in the future. But voters should reward Maloney with another term in Congress.

State Assembly—73rd District: Jonathan Bing

It’s no secret that Albany’s broken, that the lunatics are running the asylum and that there is a rumbling undercurrent of anti-incumbency fervor that threatens to sweep not just the state house but the entire country. Even within the fractured walls of the system, however, there are some legislators who are able to navigate the treacherous waters of partisan politics and party infighting to move their district forward. That’s why we support Jonathan Bing in his re-election bid for State Assembly 73rd District.

In the last legislative session, Bing authored 10 bills, including the “No Fault” divorce bill that finally caught New York up with the other 49 states and allows couples to split without assigning blame for why their marriage didn’t work. The Assemblyman did that by having 20 Republicans co-sponsor the bill with him, theorizing that they would be less likely to vote against a bill that had their name on it.

That legwork and ability to reach across the aisle helped him pass other legislation this session as well, such as a measure that gives higher education and cultural institutions more flexibility on how they spend endowments. It has particular resonance on the East Side, with Museum Mile, and will give art organizations more room to shift money so that they can save jobs during these troubled economic times.

Bing was also the author of an affordable housing bill, which makes sure that developers receiving federal money build housing for the disabled, as they are required under law. Again, the Assemblyman worked with the other side to thread his way through the tortured terrain of Albany and get things done.

As the East Side Assemblyman, he also introduced legislation in this session to implement bus lane cameras, along Select Bus Service Systems on First and Second avenues, to catch people illegally traveling in the bus-only lanes. In 2008, he introduced a grant that would have assisted small businesses suffering from Second Avenue Subway construction. The measure passed but was later vetoed by the governor.

Bing’s challenger, Gregg Lundahl, a 20-year veteran of the New York public school system, speaks passionately and in-depth about his education plans if elected: to decrease class size, provide more local funding and to ensure that schools have dedicated space for art and physical education, but he comes up short with his ideas for other areas such as transportation, helping small businesses and affordable housing.

The voters’ justifiable anger at the ineptitude showed by current state lawmakers doesn’t mean that you also throw out the baby with the bath water. Jonathan Bing has proved that he is an effective legislator, who listens to his district and is able to work with both sides to do the business of New York.

He is an example of what Albany could be, if there were more lawmakers like him at the state level. That’s why we give him our endorsement for the 73rd District.

New York Attorney General: Eric Schneiderman

New York has recently had top-notch attorneys general in Eliot Spitzer and Andrew Cuomo. The next attorney general must be able to match their stature, their skill in taking on complex issues of national importance, and their ability to extract reform. The next attorney general must also be adept at addressing Albany corruption and protecting consumers.

Of the five candidates seeking to be the state’s top cop, we endorse Eric Schneiderman, a state Senator from the Upper West Side.

As Albany disappointed New Yorkers for decades, Schneiderman has been a prime example of a smart, effective, reform-minded legislator. He has crafted legislation that promotes equal justice under the law and ended discriminatory practices. He led the fight to end the harsh Rockefeller Drug Laws, which disproportionately targeted blacks and Latinos. He introduced the Fraud, Enforcement and Recovery Act, which closed loopholes in the state’s False Claim Act.

Although Gov. David Paterson vetoed Schneiderman’s ethics reform bill for being too weak, the legislation would have brought much-needed change to Albany. The fact that his legislation was introduced and passed by a nearly unanimous vote is a major accomplishment.

Each candidate is talking about cleaning up Albany. But Schneiderman actually did it when given the opportunity. Against the wishes of his chamber’s leadership, Schneiderman convened a bipartisan panel to expel his colleague and fellow Democrat Hiram Monserrate after he was convicted of misdemeanor assault against his girlfriend. These accomplishments occurred after the Democrats took the Senate majority in 2009. He has spent the rest of his 12 years in the State Senate fighting Republican senators that blocked his progressive reform-minded legislation.

We are concerned that Schneiderman lacks an investigatory background, but we are confident he will hire an accomplished staff that can follow his vision for the attorney general’s office, which separates him from his competitors. Schneiderman’s core philosophy of equal justice will ensure that the interests of all New Yorkers are heard. He has a broad agenda that protects consumers, prevents the pollution of the environment and fights discrimination.

The other candidates in the race are well-qualified and have strong ideas for the office. Sean Coffey has an exemplary legal background as a federal prosecutor and lead lawyer in the WorldCom fraud case, in which he won more than $6 billion for burned investors. Coffey fashions himself as an outsider, but can speak on the issues passionately and eloquently with the knowledge of a seasoned elected official. If spending time in Albany is a disqualifier for voters, Coffey is a welcome alternative.

Eric Dinallo, former deputy to Spitzer in the attorney general’s office, has an accomplished government background. He also was head of the state’s Insurance Department. He knows the job and how to wield it for powerful results. But we feel Dinallo’s vision—that the attorney general should focus on kitchen table issues—is too limited.

We extend that feeling to Richard Brodsky, an Assembly member representing parts of Westchester. As attorney general, he said he would focus on unfair or hidden fees New Yorkers pay for energy. But his temperament makes him ill-suited for the attorney general’s office, evidenced by his stance on the Islamic cultural center in downtown Manhattan. He unnecessarily waded into the debate and, despite saying he would defend the center as attorney general, proposed a “compromise” in which the center moves for the sake of appeasing its detractors.

Kathleen Rice, the district attorney for Nassau County, Long Island, has been a superb local prosecutor. She has tackled a drunk driving scourge, sexual predators and fought Medicaid fraud. But many of these—save for Medicaid fraud—are quality-of-life issues. She is under-qualified to be the state’s highest law enforcement official.

We support Eric Schneiderman for attorney general in the Sept. 14. Democratic primary.

Republican Primary, 14th Congressional District: Dino LaVerghetta

The rising tide of enthusiasm among the Republican Party about the midterm elections has even cast ripples into the Upper East Side, where three Republicans are vying to go head-to-head with Carolyn Maloney for the 14th Congressional District.

It’s a quixotic quest to be sure: the UES is a Democratic stronghold, but the candidates’ enthusiasm and conviction makes for a refreshing antidote to the backseat driving of those who want change, but are unwilling to take steps to make it happen.

Of the three candidates running, only one has both the eagerness and ideas to tackle the many pressing issues that are facing the 14th District. That person is Dino LaVerghetta.

Mr. LaVerghetta, the son of an Italian immigrant, was raised by his mother in Mahopac.

As an attorney at Debevoise & Plimpton LLP, he worked in Europe for two years on the largest Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Investigation in U.S. history, and has also devoted his time to pro bono matters, such as successfully representing a Guinean refugee in his quest for political asylum and advocating for reforms that would prevent the conviction of innocent people.

And while we disagree heartily with many of his positions, such as eliminating the death tax and repealing the health care bill that was recently passed, we applaud him for others such as fighting to reform the earmarking process so that all spending is subject to public debate.

On social issues as well, Mr. LaVerghetta gets it right. He’s a staunch defender of a woman’s right to choose, helping to end the military’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy and a believer in marriage equality.

His opponents have their pluses as well. Ryan Brumberg, 28, speaks with eloquence and sincerity about our country. He needs more seasoning, however, and further real-world lessons before entering public office.

Roger Blank has the maturity and gravitas for the position but, when pressed on what he would do, he responds high on platitudes and low on substance. His experience as an assistant district attorney in the Bronx makes him particularly appealing, but we feel he needs to flesh out his platform and come up with a strategy to tackle the 14th District’s problems.

For ideas, maturity and enthusiasm there is only candidate in the Republican Primary race: Dino LaVerghetta.